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			22 KiB
		
	
	
	
		
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			450 lines
		
	
	
		
			22 KiB
		
	
	
	
		
			Plaintext
		
	
	
	
R.V.Jones on
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II)_•..· 
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~ll[;ii
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/ &1~11
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New Scieotlst 23 February 1978 493
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Pulling the crooked leg
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Published next week are the memoirs of the wartime head of Air Ministry Scientific Intelligence.
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Here he reveals some of the operations of the "most secret" war successfully waged in the backrooms
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of Whitehall and In scientific laboratories all over Britain against the Germans*
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PrMessor R. V.
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Jones FRS
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is pr-olessor of natural
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philosophy al the
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Universit..v of
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Aberdeen. At the
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outbreak of war he
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was researching
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infrared spectroscopy
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at the Cla:rend.011.
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Laboratory, Oxfprd
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I was always aware that,. exciting
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though Intelligence wast and im•
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portant though its results mani
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festly were, it was on a lower
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plane of difficulty than research in
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pure science.. Intelligence is a
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parasitic activity; in that you are
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always trying to discover what some other man has already done.
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in contrast to entering an un
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charted field yourseH. One of the
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greatest difficulties in scientific research is to build up
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your observational -experience in this new field, and to
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develop concepts that have never entered any huanan
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mind before. They may even appear to contradict long
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established principles, as when Einstein proposed the
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equivalence of mass and energy, ,or when de Broglie
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postulated that material particles could also behave as.
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waves" or when Bohr bad to conclude that the radial
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acceleration of electrons in his orbits did not make them
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radiate. Sometimes in lntellig,en-ce we experienced this
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kind of difficulty, when for example it was necessary for
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us to postulate that radio waves bent further round the
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Earth than our own expert$ thought, or that rockets could
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be made with a range greater than 100 miles; but all the
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time I knew that we were trying to discover something
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that bad already been discovered and formulated in the
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minds of our Cerman opponents, and that it therefore
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should be within our mental gr.asp.
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To that ext~nt I felt that we were parasitic, and tackling
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a basically easier job than that of research in pure science.
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Even so, we sometimes had difficulties comparable with
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those of scientific innovators when we bad to persuade our
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experts to abandon some of their bithert.o accepted con
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cepts. Moreover, the methods we used in gathering and
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collating information wen? much the same in principle as
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those employed in pure science. Where we oould claim to
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be genuinely •creative was in de\'eloping new methods of
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Intelligencet such as listening to radar transmissions, and
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in welding them into a great system for observing the
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enemy by as many means as possible"' and directing this
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•MNc Seavt W«:.~ l. V. Ion• (WMl.11111 Ma"'8loft. '6•'5). ""' which th.-. uar,a. ha,,•
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._. ak-. Is ,-,11111ithN on 'D felNwrr.
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system and correlating the infor~ation that it obtained by
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these means into a comprehensive reliable estimate of
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enemy intentions.
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We were remarkably fortunate in our opportunity. Just
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as the impact of radio in the 1920s gave a unique chance
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for every man to dabble in the "marvels of science" by
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making his own receiver-a task complex enough to be
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fasdnating without being so mm.plex, as television later
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wa.s, that it was beyond the competence of the average
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man-so it was with Scientific Intelligence in the Second
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World WarI and for much the same reason. The very
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development in science and technology that led to every
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day radio in the 1920s also led to the radar and radio
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navigational systems of the Second World War, and these
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were relatively simple to understand and. if necessary,
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frustrate.
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Moreover, these developments in radio were of such
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universal application in military technolog-y that they gave
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me the entry to fields which at first sight might have
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seemed quite remote. Radar provided the key to the
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German night defences, and thus enabled me to attack
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those defences more fruitfully than through any other
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channeli an.d it also enabled me to attack the ftying bomb
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in a positive manner by going for the German radar plots
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in their Vl trials at Peenemiinde. J was therefore able to
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redu.ce some of our major Intelligence problems to, the
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field that by good fortune I knew best.
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Possibly the opportunity of Enigma might be vi w d in
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the same light, for it involved radio communication at a
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stage of sophistication that was just within the limits of
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human ingenuity to "break".
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At the outbreak of war, September 1939, I was billeted
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at Bletchley with Sir Kenneth and Lady Macdonald at
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Winslow, along with Commander Edward Travist who hap
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pened to be Deputy Head .of the Government Code and
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Cip-her School, the cryptographic headquarters that was
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officially part of MIG. The head of the school was Com
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mander Alexander Denniston, whom Travis: was to suc
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ceed in 1942,. but who bad laid the foundations. of our
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brilliant ayptographic successes. In our long evenings
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together Travis discussed with me his problems in CQ-pto
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grapby, and in particular the problem of trying to "break"
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the German Enigma machine.
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New Sdentist 23 February 1978
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TIii• EnJgma encoder
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The Enigma machine was a very ingenious arrangemcn_t of
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cogged wheels,. each one of which had a sequence of studs
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on both sides. with each stud on .one side being connected by
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a wire to a pin on the -0ther side--the exact arrangement
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of the. connections being one of the secrets of the machine
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and the pin making contact \vith one of the stud on lhe
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next ,vheel The machine had a typewriter keyboardt and it
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was worked rather like a cydometer: every time the n1achine
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was opera~ to encode a letter. one wheel would be turned
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by one space; after tbi ,vbeel bad moved by enough spaces
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to turn it through -0ne revolution, it \YOuld click its neigh
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bouring wheel by one spaoo. The. wheels were thus never in
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the same position twice. The basic encoding was effected by
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the passage of an electTic current through lhl? stu_ds so that
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when a letter was to, be encoded. the appropriate key would
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be pressed ou the keyboard, and the resultant _cod~d letter
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would be determined by the appropriate conducting path
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through the studs, the studs on one wheel maklnJ.? suitable
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contact with the pins on the neighbouring wheel A further
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touch of ingenuity was to add a reversing arrangement at the
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edge of the third wbeel, a,ain with st11ds cross-connected so
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as to send the current backwaTds th:Fough the wb.eets by yet
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another path. Tbe returning current lit a smaH electric bulb
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which illuminated a particular letter on a second keyboard.
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and thus indieated the enciphered equivalent of the letter
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whose ~Y had originally been pressed.
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t
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..l!I8e
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1i--:_Ju1c;!z,
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lI1•i'
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Figure J A j
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four"'Totor >
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Enigma which I
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the German ,;11
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Nav1J med. It l
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defied the best I'
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etrartl of c
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Bletchlet, PMk ~
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untit JHS .t.!.
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L - - - -- -- -- - - - - -- - - - - -- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - -- --- L
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Sometimes, as with Knickebein, the German aircraft
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navigational system, a single short decode provided the
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clinching evidence. And because there was every Jikeli·
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hood that the Germans felt that they were secure in
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Enigma, even a single message was likely to provide an
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anchor of truth on whlch any explanation of German
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activity could be confidently based, or a teuchstone against
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which previously formed theories of German intentions
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could be tested. Care was of oourse necessary-although
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any one decode was Jikely to be 100 pet cent reliable, it
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might well contain much less than the wboJe truth-a fact
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that must always be borne i.n mind regarding information
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from any source, however reliable. But the confidence with
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which Enigma decodes could be used in constructing or
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testing theories of enemy intentions was outstanding among aJJ the sources available to us.
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Battle of the beams
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On the morning of 12 June, 1940, I visited Group Captain
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Blandy, the head of the RAF "Y" Service, which inter
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cepted German radio signals. He banded me a scrap of
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paper saying, "Does this mean anything to you? It doesn't seem to mean much to anybody here." I read:
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"XNICllEBEIN. KLEVE, IST AUF PUNKT 53 GRAD 24 MINUTEN MORD
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UND ElN GRAD WEST ElNG:EBICHIE1 ."
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The word "Knickebeinn (crooked leg ) I had ear1i r
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noticed in a fragmentary entry on a paper salvaged in
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March from a shot.down Heinke} aircraft. Information
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from a German prisoner suggested it to be some sort of
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beamed beacon. 0 Klev " could be the west German town
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that we koe,v as Cleves. where Anne came from . If so the
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translation would run : ''Cleves Knicltcbe_in is confirmed (or established} at position 53° 24 minutes north and 1• west."
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The geographical position referred to was a point in
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England, roughly on the Great North Road a mile or so
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south of Relford. I immediately told BJandy that it meant
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everything to me, and that it suggested lbat the Germans
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liad a radio beam transmitter called Knickebein set up at
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Cleves, on the nearest German soil to England. and that the
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existence of the beam bad been confirmed one way or
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another at this position over England. I quickly recognised
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that it was a decoded message, because I knew that during
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the preceding hYo months Bletchley had begun to be suc
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cessful in decoding some of the Enigma messages. This
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particular one had been sent by the Chief Signals OOicer
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of Flieger Korps JV at 1455 hours on 5 June, and had been
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decoded four days later.
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I had to go to the Cabinet Office to see Professor Frederick Lindemann, in response to a question about
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German radar, and told him that I bad just received the· Kniclcebein message, and that I was convinced that the
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Germans had an intersecting beam system for bombing
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England; and if they could make narrow beams for navi
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gation they could also make narrmv beams fm- radar.
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Lindemann immediately said that the beams would not
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work for radionavigation, because they would have to use
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short waves which would not bend round the curvature of
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the Barth. Armed with some computations by T. L. Eckers
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ley, I told him that, contrary to what he supposed, they
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would.
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The bombers available to Flieger Korps IV were
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Beinkel ms of Kampf Geschwadern 4 and 27. Whatever
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equipment was used for receiving the Knickebein beam
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must be capable of being fitted to this type of aircraft.
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Squadron Leader Denys Felkin, chief interrogator at
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Bletchley, had prisoners from the bombers shot down dur·
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ing the preceding few nights, so I briefed him about the
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information that I needed.
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He duly interrogated the prisoners without at first get
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ting anything of value. But when the prisoners were alone
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one of them said to another that no matter bo\v hard we
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looked ,ve would never find the eq_uipment This could
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not have been a better challenge because it implied that
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the equipment was in faet under our nose$, but that we
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would not recognise it. I therefore obtained a copy of the
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full t chnicaJ examination of the Heinkel m that had been
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shot do\vn in the Firth of Forth raid, and looked especially
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at the various items of radio equipment. The only item
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that could possibly fill the bill was the receiver that was
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carried in the aircraft for the purpose of blind landing. It
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¥.~as labelled as E.Bl.I (which stood for Empfanger Blind I
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-blind landing receiver type l ) and was ostensibly for the
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normal purpose of blind landing on the Lorenz beam
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system, which was by then standard at many aerodromes.
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N. Cox Walker at Farnborough, who had evaluated the
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equipment, then told me that although there was .nothing
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New Scientist 23 February 1978 495
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· -
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,\((Ullt ,R((fPf10,t &8C. £N11(,e,t PO·II~ C.E.
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,tl\~D- thl<'TE- .
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•
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.. ,,,to,1"'""'~1:,,._-,c:,.. 1 - t-1-._ AtTtn,, tr.
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O~N(. A~~ i>O'
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FigUTe 2 (above) The L~rger', musczge and s1'etch.
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fop right R. V. Janus sketch of the HagtLB .Kn.ickabein.
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Bottom right Beinhel JU wUh cmten.noe for X-oeam guidance
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unusual about the blind landing receiver, it was much
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more sensitive than would ever be needed for blind land
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ing. So that was it. I now knew the receiver, and the
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frequencies to which it could be tuned, and therefore on
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which the Knickebein beam must operate. And in a short
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time we heard the beams for ourselves.
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Although it was worth squeezing every drop 8f information out of the Enigma decodes, it would have been dan•
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gerous to rely on them too much, and thus to neglect other
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sot1roes. Io a sense, cryptography was the most vulnerable
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sour,ce of all in that it collld have been extinguished at any
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time by a few simple changes in the Enigma machine. At
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the end of every investigation I therefore looked back to
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see how far we could have gone without Enigma As the
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outstanding example, it was reassuring to· find that we
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would very probably bave raided the rocket-launching sites
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at Peeoemiinde without any help from Enigma. This
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observation is not intended in the slightest to belittle the
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enorm.ous contribution made by those who brok~ the
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Enigma traffic-quite the reverse. And it is a pleasure to
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know that in a war in which scieor.e, and especially pbJsical
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science, gained great esteem, the cootn'butions of our
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colleagues in mathematics .and in some of the arts subjects
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can at last be publidy recognised.
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Det ■ ctin1 the •v• llodtet ...II
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The message about a rocket that we received from a
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Danish chemical engineer in December 1942 resensitised
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us to a possibility which, although I had reported it in 1939,
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had no more than stayed in the background of our
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thoughts over the intervening hectic years with the beams
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and German radar. A report received fr-om Oslo had men• tioned Peenemiillde. where, it had said, radi<><ontrolled
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rocket gliders were being developed for use against ships under the code name .PZ21 (PerngestcwerteZielftnoeug).It
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also said, although it did not mention Peenemunde in this
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connection, that rocket shells 80 centimetres in diameter
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were being developed for use against the Maginot Jjne;
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thes-e were ~stabilised, but were prone to fty ju uncon
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trollable curves. and so radio ooutrol was being considered.
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~
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II
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• I I'III
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The Danish engineer's warning was timely: when be
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sent his message only thxee prototype v.2 rockets had iD
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fact been fired at Peenemiinde, the first suocessful firing
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being on 3 October, 1942. This was as good a warning as
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we could hope to achieve in view of our lack of Scientific
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lutelligen~ before the war, which had forced me to con•
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ceutrate on detectiog the development of new weapons at
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the trial stage, ie later than the research stage but. hope-
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fully, before the operational.
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Over the aext three months a few further reports
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appeared, but noae substantially added to our knowledge.
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Indeed, they could have been no more than rumours, and
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the turning point, as far as I was coocerned, occurred on
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Z'l March, 1943. My colleague Charles F~ank (now Sir
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Charles Frank, PBS) was reading the transcripts of a con,.
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venation between two German generals, who bad been captured after el Alamein, and who were now at our
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Interrogation Centre. One was Cruewell, who had been
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Rommel's Second-in-Command The other was von Thoma.
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A remark of von 'Thoma to Cruewell on 22 March. 1943,
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caught Frank's attention. Translated, this ran:
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-bot no progress whatsoever can have been made in
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this rocket business. I saw it once with Feldmarschall
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Btauchitscb, there is a special gl'ound near Kunersdorf
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498 New Sden1llt 2S February 1978
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(?) . . . They•ve got these .huge things which they've
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brought up here . . . They~ve always said they would go
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15 kms. into the stratosphere and then . . . You only aim
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at an area . . . If one was to . . . every few days . . .
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frightful . . . The major there was full of hope-he said
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'Wait until next year and the fun will start!' . .. There's
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no limit (to the range).
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Von Thoma also said that he knew their prison was some
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where near London and since they had beard no large
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explosions, there must have been a hold-up in the rocket
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programme.
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His remark transformed the situation. An Intelligence
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organisation bears many resemblances to the human head,
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with its various senses. These will generally be on the
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alert, each searching its own domain and then as soon as
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the ears, for example, bear a noise and the signals are
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received in the brain, the latter will direct the eyes in the
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appropriate direction to supplement the information from
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the ears by what the eyes can see. So, if one kind of
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Intelligence source produces an indication, the Intelligence
 | 
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organisation should then direct other kinds of source to
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focus on the same target.
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It was ''Pop.. Stewart and his colleague Roddie Nicholson
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from the Assistant Directorate of Intelligence (Photos) who
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played an essential part in my finding the first rocket, f:or
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they provided me with photographs of Peenemilnde.
 | 
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Although aerial photographs had first to ,go to Duncan
 | 
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Sandys, in contrast reports from secret agents had to c-0me
 | 
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through me, so that a1though I only saw aerial photographs
 | 
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some days after the Sandys •organisation, I saw the agents'
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reports some hours earlier. There were two in particuJar
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in JuM 1943 that remain in my memory. They came from
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two Luxembourgers whom the Germans had conscripted
 | 
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into the army of foreign construction workers. in Peene·
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miinde. One was Leon Henri Roth. a student aged 20, who
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bad been expelled from school for starting a Resistance
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cell. Along with other Luxembourgers he was sent to
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P-eenemilnde, and succeeded in getting letters through to
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his father. who was a member of a Belgian nehYork, telling
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of the development of a large rocket which made a noise
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resembling that of "a squadron at low altitude". 'lbe
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other Luxembourger whose report I remember was Dr
 | 
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Schwagen, afterwards director of the Laboratoire Bacterio
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logique de l'Etat in Luxembourg, who sen·t thl'ough an
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organisation known as the nFamille Martin" a report and
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sketch which reached me on 4 June. It is shown in Figure
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2. and it clearly mentioned a rocket of about 10 metres
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length, and showed where it was assembled. It also stated
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that for firing it was mounted on a cubical structure. Dr
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Schwagen survived the war but tragically Roth was killed
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by fire from an American tank in 1945, wbile escaping with
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two Frenchmen in a German military car.
 | 
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For much of the war. I was concerned that 1 might have
 | 
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an opposite number in Germany, quite possibly my pr~war
 | 
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Oxford friend Car) Bosch, who might .have provided me
 | 
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with false clues. as Bosch himself certainly could have
 | 
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done. This would at minimum have made my task more
 | 
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difficult, and could easily have misled me onto several
 | 
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false trails. As it turned out, though, there was no such
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cooperation between science and the Services in Germany,
 | 
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and so we were spared this problem-and many others. It
 | 
						||
was the great contribution of the generation of scientists
 | 
						||
before mine, headed by Henry Tizard (f,ormerly Secretary
 | 
						||
of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research)
 | 
						||
an~ Frederick Lindemann (professor of experimental
 | 
						||
philosophy at Oxford). Accentuated by the emergency in
 | 
						||
w.hicb Britain found itself after 1933, serving officers and
 | 
						||
scientists worked together to an extent far exceeding that
 | 
						||
of our opponents. Further, there was leadership. In Cburcbill we had a
 | 
						||
Prime Minister with a genuine and strong interest in the
 | 
						||
possibilities opened up by science, such as none of his
 | 
						||
successors has had. Even his controversial dependence on
 | 
						||
Lindemann was evidence of this interest which, for
 | 
						||
example, made him anxious to be flown-even at some
 | 
						||
disoomfort- in experimental aircraft to see foT biroself the
 | 
						||
state of airborne radar.. After our first meeting I felt that
 | 
						||
there was now so strong an appreciation at the top that in
 | 
						||
emergency J could have appealed to him with confidence,
 | 
						||
although I also felt that so long as Charles Portal was
 | 
						||
Chief of Air Staff no appeal would ever be nec-essary. ._.Your
 | 
						||
name". Churchill once said to me. "will open all doors!.,
 | 
						||
Right through to the end of the ·war I was able to keep
 | 
						||
my immediate Intel)igenc,e organisation small, and to use
 | 
						||
the initiative of individuals to the full. Had we been a
 | 
						||
little bigger, we should have had to institute an internal
 | 
						||
communication system, instead of depending on personal
 | 
						||
contacts to the extent that we did, and this would have
 | 
						||
slowed our daily working. But there are many tasks in
 | 
						||
Intelligence that require large numbers. of people, and
 | 
						||
these tasks- have multiplied since 1945; there are, for
 | 
						||
example, many more radar and guidance systems com
 | 
						||
pared with those with which we had to deal, and they
 | 
						||
require armies of recording operators and interpreters if
 | 
						||
they are to be unravelled. Scientific Intelligence organisa
 | 
						||
tions therefore now have to be larger, and the consequent
 | 
						||
change of scale from that on which we operated may well
 | 
						||
involve a different balance of qualities in those heading
 | 
						||
the organisation.
 | 
						||
Eni1matic fruits
 | 
						||
Our work was exhilarating. Tragedy, such as the loss of
 | 
						||
Tony Hill (our outstanding photographic pilot) or the men
 | 
						||
of the first Rjukan raid on the heavy water plant, was
 | 
						||
always near; and tension, as in tbe Blitz or the "V" cam
 | 
						||
paigns, \Vas often acute; but there were moments of
 | 
						||
tremendous excitement, as in the finding of the Knickebein
 | 
						||
beams. And these moments continued throughout the war :
 | 
						||
the first time \Ve knew an X-beam target in advance of the
 | 
						||
raid; the photographs of the first Freya and Wurzburg
 | 
						||
German. home and coastline defenc,e radar systems; the
 | 
						||
Bruneval Raid on the F'reyas; the searchlight map; the
 | 
						||
unravelling of the Kammhuber Lin.e in a flash ; Window
 | 
						||
(the "smoke screen" on radar); the finding of the rockets
 | 
						||
at P•eenemilnde and Blizna; the first V-1 tracks in the
 | 
						||
Baltic; D-Day; the true weight of the V-2. 1 felt matched
 | 
						||
to. the ta~ with an operational r-eward awaiting almost
 | 
						||
everything that I did; and I worked with as brave a com
 | 
						||
pany of men and w,omen as anyone might hope to meet.
 | 
						||
Even such a simple operation as countering the beams
 | 
						||
involved a multitude of men and women, every one of
 | 
						||
whom played an essential part; patiently cataloguing the
 | 
						||
call signs of German aircraft, poring over innumerable air
 | 
						||
photographs only a fraction of which had anything interest·
 | 
						||
ing on them. working away at breaking the seemingly
 | 
						||
unbreakable Enigma machine, interrogating prisoners,
 | 
						||
examining captured equipment, listening to the beams and
 | 
						||
soouring tbe country to 6nd suitable jamming transmitters,
 | 
						||
and setting these onto the right frequencies, all played
 | 
						||
their part-and the whole system would fail when any one
 | 
						||
part broke down. When to all this are added the contribu
 | 
						||
tions by those who risked and sacrificed their lives, our
 | 
						||
own efforts may perhap be seen in a more reali tic per
 | 
						||
spective. We au depended on the efforts of a great body
 | 
						||
of m n an·d women whose existence in Lord Slim's words,
 | 
						||
''is only remembered wh n something for which they are
 | 
						||
r~sponsible go s wrong''.
 | 
						||
If any one of these n_1any components had failed, our
 | 
						||
entire effort would have come to nothing. Just as any one
 | 
						||
link in a chain is e ential to upporting the weight at its
 | 
						||
end, or as a breakdown in any one component can ruin a
 | 
						||
machine, so could any one of many agencies have lost us
 | 
						||
the war. What none of them would have claimed is that it
 | 
						||
,von the war by itself. 0 |